Ten Years After Oak Creek: Federal Policy Recommendations to Protect Communities Targeted by Hate

2022 was a year marked with significant anniversaries of hate against the AAPI community both historic and recent, from the 40th anniversary of the hate-driven murder of Chinese American immigrant Vincent Chin to the one-year anniversary of recent mass shootings in Atlanta and Indianapolis. These commemorations, moreover, came amidst a series of hate crimes targeting Sikh men in Richmond Hill, Queens, and a years-long spike in violence against Asian Americans - particularly Asian American women - ignited by the COVID-19 pandemic. One anniversary in 2022, however, is both important on its own right as a marker in the history of targeted violence and useful for contextualizing recent trends of hate in the US: the 10-year remembrance of the shooting at a gurdwara, a Sikh house of worship, in Oak Creek WI.

Documents on Democracy

In a country where every ninth person is suffering food shortage, a country where more than one million civilians have fled their homes and villages and have nowhere to live, a country where everyone has lost a family member or a friend to hunger, exposure, war, landmines, arbitrary killings, or the COVID pandemic the military did their utmost to exacerbate, we are all the victims of the military's crimes. There appears to be a parallel trend of an increased number and length of imprisonments occurring through criminal justice processes, suggesting that the focus of deprivation of liberty has shifted towards imprisonment, on purported grounds of counter-terrorism and counter-"extremism." The systems of arbitrary detention and related patterns of abuse in VETC and other detention facilities come against the backdrop of broader discrimination against members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim minorities based on perceived security threats emanating from individual members of these groups. The Government holds the primary duty to ensure that all laws and policies are brought into compliance with international human rights law and to promptly investigate any allegations of human rights violations, to ensure accountability for perpetrators and to provide redress to victims.

REFRAMING HATE

The concept and naming of "hate crime," and the adoption of special laws to address it, provoked controversy and raised fundamental questions when they were introduced in the 1980s. In the decades since, neither hate crime itself nor those hotly debated questions have abated. To the contrary, hate crime has increased in recent years-although the prominent target groups have shifted over time-and the debate over hate crime laws has reignited as well. The still-open questions range from the philosophical to the doctrinal to the pragmatic: What justifies the enhanced punishment that hate crime laws impose based on the perpetrator's motivation? Does that enhanced punishment infringe on the perpetrator's rights to freedom of belief and expression? How can we know or prove a perpetrator's motivation? And, most practical of all: Do hate crime laws work? This Essay proposes that we reframe our understanding of what we label as hate crimes. It argues that those crimes are not necessarily the acts of hate-filled extremists motivated by deeply held, fringe beliefs, but instead often reflect the broader, even mainstream, social environment that has marked some social groups as the expected or even acceptable targets for crime and violence. In turn, hate crimes themselves influence the social environment by reinforcing recognizable patterns of discrimination. The Essay maintains that we should broaden our understanding of the motivations for and effects of hate crimes and draws connections between hate crimes and seemingly disparate phenomena that have recently captured the nation's attention.

U.S. HATE CRIME TRENDS: WHAT DISAGGREGATION OF THREE DECADES OF DATA REVEALS ABOUT A CHANGING THREAT AND AN INVISIBLE RECORD

When prejudice-related data are combined and analyzed over time, critical information is uncovered about overall trends, related intermittent spikes, and less common sharp inflectional shifts in aggression. These shifts impact social cohesion and grievously harm specific sub-groups when aggression escalates and is redirected or mainstreamed. These data, so critical to public policy formation, show that we are in such a historic inflection period now. Moreover, analysis of the latest, though partial Federal Bureau of Investigation hate crime data release, when overlaid with available data from excluded large jurisdictions, reveals hate crimes hit a record high in 2021 in the United States that previously went unreported. This Essay analyzes the most recent national data as well as various numerical and policy milestones that accompanied the historic, yet incomplete, implementation of hate crime data collection and related statutes over recent decades. This analysis of emerging trends in the United States is undertaken in the context of bigoted aggression broken down over time.

Using the basis-a profile as a predictor of sex offender treatment outcomes including assessed risk in an outpatient setting

This study aimed to understand the usefulness of the Basic Adlerian Scales for Interpersonal Success - Adult Form (BASIS-A) profile scores in the risk assessment of individuals convicted of a sexual criminal offense. Specifically, this study attempted to determine if a correlation existed between an individual's level of social interest and the difference in that individual's level of risk over time as measured by the STABLE-2007 and the Sex Offender Treatment Intervention and Progress Scale (SOTIPS) dynamic risk assessments. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the study was adapted to a hybrid of both in-person and virtual participation involving six total participants recruited from a private practice in suburban Illinois. Results of the partial correlation were not significant and deemed inconclusive due to low study participation. The impact of the pandemic on the study's outcome and the study's contribution to practice-oriented research as well as recommendations for future research regarding the BASIS-A, risk assessment, and practice-oriented research are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

FEDERAL DETENTION AND "WILD FACTS" DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC

Whether to detain or release a defendant in a federal criminal case can be among the most challenging decisions federal judges face. Detention hearings present courts with a wide variety of factual circumstances surrounding defendants and their personal histories, their charged offenses, the evidence against them, the ways in which their detention or release might bear upon the community's safety, and the likelihood that they will appear in court. At least that much is the black letter law. But as the novel coronavirus known as SARS-CoV-2 raced through the US in the winter and spring of 2020, touching off widespread infections of the disease labeled COVID-19, a new challenge arose with respect to federal arrestees and defendants already in detention. Citing the threat of COVID-19 infection, many defense attorneys began aggressively pushing for release of their clients. Here, Fuentes offers a framework for considering defendants' arguments for release based on the COVID-19 pandemic.

Military Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic Crisis in Latin America: Military Presence, Autonomy, and Human Rights Violations

The military in Latin America has been extensively involved in pandemic relief operations. This paper analyses the impact of militarization of pandemic relief operations on human rights. It argues that not all militarization is equally harmful to individuals in the region. When troops assume responsibilities regarding medical care and logistical support, human rights violations do not follow. When involved in policing the stay-at-home orders, the extent of human rights violations is explained by the level of operational autonomy the military has in public security operations. The more autonomous the military, more likely abuses are to occur. Additionally, military exposure to judicial prosecution for human rights offenses contributes to the explanation. After gathering original empirical evidence from 14 Latin American democracies on military presence in pandemic relief, we draw our inferences from process tracing on four comparative case studies of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador.

El rol de los intelectuales en tiempos de pandemia: comprendiendo el activismo político de Noam Chomsky

Este artículo busca analizar el rol de algunos intelectuales durante los primeros meses de la pandemia de la covid-19, entendiendo en qué sentido su discurso se asume como un contrapeso a la hegemonía de los expertos en el tema de la salud. Tomamos como objeto de estudio varios enunciados ejemplares de Noam Chomsky, lingüista y activista político estadounidense, que se produjeron desde principios de marzo hasta mayo de 2020 en relación con la covid-19. Intentamos comprender los puntos principales que marcan el discurso de Chomsky relacionándolos con el ethos discursivo (Maingueneau, 2020) de un "compromiso intelectual" (Bourdieu, 2003). Queremos entender cómo se construye la trayectoria de la imagen pública de Chomsky como activista político, a partir de su definición como uno de los mayores intelectuales vivos del mundo, y cómo él y ciertos medios de comunicación utilizan ese tipo de credencial para erigirse en una figura poderosa, siempre demandada para hablar de cualquier tema de actualidad, incluso una pandemia. Nos sustentamos sobre la hipótesis de que, para Chomsky, la explicación de los hechos históricos se hace siempre con una visión holística, conectando la pandemia de la covid-19 con otros problemas mayores y otras amenazas para la humanidad. En otras palabras, Chomsky se asume a sí mismo como portavoz de la humanidad, preocupado por problemas mayores: una pandemia no puede ser subestimada, pero el calentamiento global y la crisis económica creada por la debacle del neoliberalismo, así como las posibilidades de guerra nuclear, son amenazas mucho mayores para la supervivencia de la especie humana y el mantenimiento del planeta.También aportamos una visión general de tres importantes intelectuales que igualmente actuaron y contribuyeron con sus reflexiones sobre la pandemia de la covid-19 durante sus meses iniciales: se trata de Judith Butler, Giorgio Agamben y Byung-Chul Han. El propósito de traer estas distintas visiones es, en una primera instancia, comparar hasta qué punto pueden asemejarse al discurso chomskyano, pero sobre todo cómo se construye el discurso intelectual en tiempos de pandemia global frente a los discursos de los expertos o especialistas en salud que ocupan los espacios de autoridad discursivos en los medios de comunicación durante una crisis sanitaria.Alternate abstract:This article aims to analyze the role of intellectuals in times of a global pandemic, whereby their discourse is assumed as a counterbalance to the hegemony of experts. It takes as a case study several exemplar speeches by Noam Chomsky, linguist and political activist, which were produced since the beginning of March 2020 regarding Covid-l9.We w'll try to show that what marks Chomsky's discourse is related to the ethos (Maingueneau 2020) of an "intellectual engagement" (Bourdieu 2003).Within the universe of possibilities for choosing intellectuals' speeches, who are not necessarily convergent on topics affecting the world, and who, in general, don't talk about the same things, we chose to circumscribe our research on a specific intellectual: Noam Chomsky. In our view, he is an actual example of "intellectual action", representing properly "the relations between intellectuals and power" (Bobbio l997).Therefore, it is necessary to understand the statements of intellectuals like Chomsky in moments of global uncertainty, and as a discourse of a different nature that stands against the experts' power in major media corporations or in government technocracy. Thus, far from wanting to exhaust the possibilities of interpreting the role of the wider category of intellectuals during the pandemic, our proposal is to outline the main points of how an intellectual like Chomsky has been developing and taking the same political positions since the beginning of his activism, in the 1960s, which refers to a type of intellectual engagement similar to that taken since the Dreyfus Affair. In the Dreyfus Affair we have an "inaugural archetype" of the concept of an "engaged intellectual" (Bourdieu 2003, p. 73-74), from which the one who has social capital as an erudite, a scientist or a writer, comes out publicly criticizing the established powers and denounces crimes committed by "the reasons of State" (Chomsky 1973). Therefore, we understand that Chomsky comes from a lineage whose representatives are inserted into a form of intellectual activism;a lineage that became known as "the century of intellectuals" (Winock 2000), the intellectual conceived as the one who "tells the truth", as Chomsky (1996, p. 55) himself define the "intellectual's responsibility": "At one level, the answer is too easy: the intellectual responsibility of the writer, or any decent person, is to tell the truth." On the one hand, there is a patent argument of authority behind the experts, based on a "scientific discourse", but, on the other hand, there is a kind of "moral commitment to the truth" behind the intellectuals' discourse that becomes a "deeper criticism". That is, a holistic view to ponder, in the case of Covid-19, the humanitarian problems created due to the pandemic, but also to think about relating this crisis to previous and further geopolitical reasons, from a freer position, not committed to companies and States. This position of the intellectual engagement is idealized in opposition to the "normal science discourse": the genre of the scientific discourse is produced under official means;it is plastered, blunted, does not allow the spokespeople of science to speak beyond what their research allows. In other words, the scientific experts are inscribed in discursive structures of "scenes of enunciation" (Maingueneau, 2006) that don't permit them to surpass the barriers of "objectiveness" and enter the field of moral judgment. Seeking to understand how Chomsky acts as an engaged intellectual during the pandemic, we searched his political network and the media in which he is involved. From that, we chose our corpus of analysis, selected from Noam Chomsky's innumerous speeches to a left-wing or clearly progressive press during the first months of Covid-19 pandemic in the form of interviews from March to June: an interview to Michael Brooks (2020), at the Jacobin Magazine (Brooks, M. 2020);an interview with his longtime interviewer, David Barsamian (2020), an Armenian-American journalist and political activist, published on the website Literary Hub;an interview with the British socialist newspaper Morning Star (2020);two interviews he gave to Amy Goodman (2020a, 2020b) for the American journal Democracy Now;an interview with the Croatian philosopher Srecko Horvat (2020), from which we will use only the parts of the transcript that we found published by Al Jazeera and not the video;an interview to the writer Chris Brooks to the magazine Labor Notes, channel for the proletarian movement;an interview to Cristina Magdaleno (2020) for the Euroactiv, a non-profit organization for democracy in European Union, as well as an interview Chomsky and Robert Pollin gave to C. J. Polychroniou (2020).We believe that through this corpus it is possible to cover the vast majority of Chomsky's speeches on the Covid-19 pandemic, centered on media where Chomsky usually features and that name themselves as having a more progressive bias.We assume that what gives Chomsky's speech authority to talk about the pandemic, to be invited multiple times to do so, is not his expertise in the subject;it is not his background in epidemiology studies, which he lacks, neither his linguistics theories, that do not relate to the topic, but his image as a great surviving intellectual. It's to say, what authorizes Chomsky to speak and, therefore, to make his contribution to the studies of this pandemic situation, is not what interests the State, or what would lead the actions of government officials, as they are in general centered on the discourse of experts. Instead, it is his trajectory as a critic without corporate scruples, engaged in telling another kind of "truth", as one that can discuss and propose a different future for humanity. So, with this article we intended to p oduce a discussion about the following problem: the type of discourse raised by Chomsky is not that of government experts, men of science who must anchor themselves in statistical studies on disease proliferation curves, researchers who need to give prevention guidelines or economists who provide "get out of the crisis" scenarios. In other words, differently from a biologist, a disease proliferation specialist or a market administrator, Chomsky conceives the pandemic beyond Covid-19, as a long-term crisis, which will cover economic, social and environmental aspects of much greater proportions. In short, with this article we seek to understand how Chomsky assumes himself as a spokesman for all of humanity and how he constructs this position discursively. He is concerned with "bigger problems", not diminishing the dangers of the Covid-19 pandemic, but insisting on the fact that global warming and the economic crisis created by the debacle of neoliberalism, as well as nuclear war menaces, are much greater threats to human species survival and the maintenance of the planet. We also bring an overview of three important intellectuals who also acted and contributed their reflections on the Covid-19 pandemic during its inception. They are Judith Butler, Giorgio Agamben, and Byung-Chul Han. The purpose of incorporating these distinct views is, in the first instance, to compare to what extent they may resemble the Chomskyan discourse, but also to show how intellectual discourse is constructed in times of a global pandemic in the face of the discourses of health experts orspecialists who occupy the spaces of intellectual speech authority.

Woe is the dark Web: the main challenges that governments of the Commonwealth Caribbean will face in combating dark Web-facilitated criminal activities

PurposeThis paper aims to investigate the potential challenges that governments in the Commonwealth Caribbean are likely to face combating crimes facilitated by the dark Web.Design/methodology/approachThe "lived experience” methodology guided by a contextual systematic literature review was used to ground the investigation of the research phenomena in the researchers' collective experiences working in, living in and engaging in research with governments in the Commonwealth Caribbean.FindingsThe two major findings emerging from the analysis are that jurisdictional and technical challenges are producing major hindrances to the creation of an efficient and authoritative legislative framework and the building of the capacity of governments in the Commonwealth Caribbean to confront the technicalities that affect systematic efforts to manage problems created by the dark Web.Practical implicationsThe findings indicate the urgency that authorities in the Caribbean region must place on reevaluating their administrative, legislative and investment priorities to emphasize cyber-risk management strategies that will enable their seamless and wholesome integration into this digital world.Originality/valueThe research aids in developing and extending theory and praxis related to the problematization of the dark Web for governments by situating the experiences of Small Island Developing States into the ongoing discourse.

Exploring the Association between Gambling-Related Offenses, Substance Use, Psychiatric Comorbidities, and Treatment Outcome.

Several studies have explored the association between gambling disorder (GD) and gambling-related crimes. However, it is still unclear how the commission of these offenses influences treatment outcomes. In this longitudinal study we sought: (1) to explore sociodemographic and clinical differences (e.g., psychiatric comorbidities) between individuals with GD who had committed gambling-related illegal acts (differentiating into those who had had legal consequences (n = 31) and those who had not (n = 55)), and patients with GD who had not committed crimes (n = 85); and (2) to compare the treatment outcome of these three groups, considering dropouts and relapses. Several sociodemographic and clinical variables were assessed, including the presence of substance use, and comorbid mental disorders. Patients received 16 sessions of cognitive-behavioral therapy. Patients who reported an absence of gambling-related illegal behavior were older, and showed the lowest GD severity, the most functional psychopathological state, the lowest impulsivity levels, and a more adaptive personality profile. Patients who had committed offenses with legal consequences presented the highest risk of dropout and relapses, higher number of psychological symptoms, higher likelihood of any other mental disorders, and greater prevalence of tobacco and illegal drugs use. Our findings uphold that patients who have committed gambling-related offenses show a more complex clinical profile that may interfere with their adherence to treatment.

#MeToo in South Korea: Public Health Meets a Global Movement

Eleven years later, in 2017, #MeToo went viral in response to sexual assault allegations against director Harvey Weinstein.1 Across the world, individuals shared their stories of experiencing gender-based violence and harassment;as of December 2019, the hashtag had more than 24 million impressions.1 Sexual violence is not regularly framed as a social determinant of health, even though the literature linking sexual violence to mental health outcomes such as depression, anxiety, and eating disorders is abundant.2 The momentum resulting from #MeToo prompted a larger question: could a global social movement potentially play a role in improving mental health outcomes for victims of gender-based violence? In 2018, the South Korean government increased both maximum sentence time and the statute of limitations for sexual harassment and sex crimes involving abuse of power.4 However, some of the discourse surrounding #MeToo in South Korea has received pushback and spurred support for men's rights groups.5 #MeToo AS A FAVORABLE HEALTH EXPOSURE The authors' findings suggest that the #MeToo movement had a beneficial effect on depressive symptoms among female survivors of gender-based violence. Social stigma remains a key driver in normalizing sexual violence, potentially lowering reporting rates;it has also been shown to worsen mental health disorders that result from gender-based violence.8 Encouraging discourse and acknowledging the issue's prevalence could have an impact on both the isolation and lack of support survivors typically experience.

STOPPING AAPI HATE: STUDENT REFLECTIONS ON THE PUBLIC POLICY PROCESS

Jeung et al asserts that from its inception in March 2020, one of SAH's objectives was to shape the narrative about anti-Asian hate. Rather than framing COVID-19 discrimination as isolated incidents by a few prejudiced individuals, the coalition wanted to 1) connect it to historic racism against Asian Americans;2) articulate the widespread, systemic nature of this racism;and 3) promote solidarity with other communities of color. As Speaker Pelosi's speech and the LA Times op-ed "Anti-Asian Hate Crimes Are Surging. Along with raising awareness about COVID-19 discrimination, SAH sought to develop policies that addressed the roots and trends of the problem. Their data analysis revealed that most incidents were not hate crimes, but primarily cases of harassment and shunning. Consequently, in formulating policy solutions SAH prioritized models of public education, restorative justice, and civil rights enforcement over hate crime enforcement.

NOWHERE TO GO: ANTI-ASIAN HATE CRIMES IN 1945 AND TODAY

Higuchi asserts that Iyekichi Higuchi prepared to leave the Heart Mountain camp for Japanese Americans in May 1945 to return to San Jose, California, look for a home for his wife and two at-home children, and to find a job. He had been forced to sell his 14.25-acre home in San Jose three years earlier when the federal government had forced 120,000 Japanese Americans from the West Coast because of hysteria about the alleged security threat they posed in the days following the 7 December 1941, Japanese attack on the naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. What faced those returning Japanese Americans mirrors the hate crimes now facing Americans of Asian descent who are blamed for spreading the COVID-19 virus that originally started in China to the United States. Since the pandemic took over in March, thousands of Asian Americans have been accosted in public spaces, spit on or assaulted and told to go back where they came from, even if that was not Asia at all.

Online Hate: The New Virus

In one of the most egregious examples, a horrendous hate crime that occurred on July 11,2020, an 89-yearold Asian grandmother was set on fire by two men as she was walking outside her home in Brooklyn, New York.3 Despite this clearly violent act, the New York City Police Department remained hesitant to classify this as a hate crime.3 Interestingly, in the same neighborhood, only a week before this incident, antiAsian flyers were posted.3 The findings reported by Hohl et al. further confirm these unsettling trends, demonstrating that online anti-Asian sentiments have been rising, with the peak occurring in March 2020. Nguyen et al. showcased how area-level racist sentiment online has been associated with residential racial prejudice,12 and results from Muller and Schwartz showed the link between racist hashtags and real-world hate crimes.13 Yet, despite strong evidence linking the discussion of hate online with real-world impacts, as further exemplified in the research by Hohl et al., this has been met with lackluster countermeasures and response from public health officials and ultimately has done little to spark the civic action needed to tackle and prevent the perpetuation of online hate head on. Consider other domains, where ample evidence has been provided that sentiment on Twitter is predictive of stock market fluctuations.14 Or consider the real-world consequences of errant tweets from those with influential power such as celebrities-for instance, Kylie Jenner's singular tweet, comprising a mere 18 words (including terms "sooo" and "urg") to illustrate her dissatisfaction with Snapchat. The repercussions of this tweet were extensive, equating to roughly $72 million in loss per word that was used, amounting to a total of $1.3 billion in stock loss for Snapchat.15 In another example, Elon Musk's 2020 tweet commenting that Tesla's stock price was too high resulted in significant losses to the carmaker in excess of $14 billion.16 These examples illustrate the power of words.

The Challenges of Political Corruption in Australia, the Proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission Bill (2020) and the Application of the APUNCAC

Political corruption affects each nation-state differently, but the outcomes are nominally the same: a deficit of public trust, weakened government institutions and undermined political systems. This article analyzes issues of political corruption in Australia by framing them within a national integrity ecosystem (NIE) and addressing them against the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission (CIC) 2020 bill. It also discusses prevalent ‘grey’ areas of Australian politically-corrupt behavior where they interact with the private sector: the revolving door, political donations, and lobbying;and the state of Australia’s implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. This article argues for their inclusion within the mandated scope of the proposed CIC. There is a need for strong legislation, both domestic and international, to fight corruption. This article then discusses the application of the provisions of the draft Anticorruption Protocol to the UN Convention Against Corruption (APUNCAC) that may apply with respect to these ‘grey’ issues, and how an International Anti-Corruption Court may provide another institutional model for Australia to follow. Finally, this article links these proposals to the 2021 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on Corruption and the 9th Conference of States Parties on the UNCAC (COSP9). These events illustrate multilateral momentum and progress on anti-corruption. As a country that has historically supported the UN multilateral framework and its institutions, this article recommends a proactive approach for Australia so that the passing of a strong domestic anticorruption initiative will contribute to the adoption, and eventual ratification, of the APUNCAC.

Toward Improved Addiction Treatment Quality and Access for Black Patients

A recent study showed a 40% increase in the opioid overdose death rate for Black individuals relative to non-Hispanic White individuals, but no change among other races/ethnicities was noted.3 In their article, "Individual and Health Policy Factors Associated With Positive Heroin and Opioid Treatment Response: United States, 2018," Pro et al. (p. S66) examine variations in treatment outcomes and highlight the existence of multiple subepidemics among racial/ethnic groups. A 2018 Florida study found that Black Americans experienced significant delays in entry to addiction treatment (four to five years) compared with White Americans, leading to greater severity of symptoms and increased overdose rates.4 Studies have also shown that Black youths with an opioid use disorder are less likely than White youths to be prescribed medication for opioid use disorder (MOUD),5 and Black patients have statistically significantly lower odds of receiving a buprenorphine prescription as part of their opioid use disorder treatment.6 From disparities in sentencing7 to higher arrest rates for drug-related offenses for Black individuals than White individuals,8 punitive responses to addiction have disproportionately impacted communities of color. The timing and access point of MOUD for Black patients must be addressed to provide early intervention and pharmacotherapies to Black communities through health care systems, primary care, employers, and public health infrastructures and not merely through criminal justice involvement or other punitive interventions. Early intervention and prevention programs and strategies are equally critical, with an emphasis on partnering with Black leaders, Black churches, and trusted community leaders and entities not only to help ensure cultural sensitivity but also to build trust and confidence in evidence-based services for addiction.

Life as prey: Effects of sexual trauma on experiences of embodiment

Sexual trauma is a prevalent phenomenon and social ail the world over. While sexual assault and sexual trauma have been a topic of study for decades, the topic is gaining a new audience as public outcry and personal stories are being spoken about socially more than ever, with the popularity of movements such as #MeToo rising. The present research endeavored to collect firsthand stories of sexual trauma in order to better understand women's experiences of embodiment following sexually traumatic events. Further, this study inspected what we can learn from firsthand accounts and how to solve this pervasive problem, utilizing a qualitative research design. Five women, ranging in ages 18-24 were interviewed on their relationship with their body, their relationships, their embodied way of being in the world, sexual trauma, and the aftermath. Four women then returned for a second semi-structured interview on social understandings of womanhood, sexual trauma, and social movements, as well as for feedback on data from their first interview. The transcripts from the first round of interviews were analyzed individually utilizing the Listening Guide. The first interviews and second interviews were then analyzed collectively utilizing Interpretive Interactionism. The present study was limited by a less diverse group of women than originally planned, a singular geographic region of data collection, as well as unforeseen effects of COVID-19. This study captured personal experiences of sexual trauma with suggestions from survivors as to what needs to be changed in order to prevent sexual trauma and to help those who have experienced it. The understanding built from this study also includes implications for future education, intervention, and therapeutic efforts. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

China-Southeast Asian Nontraditional Security Engagement: A Soft Power Mode in Beijing's Regional Diplomacy? *

Many people believed that cooperation in NTS could build initial confidence for China and Southeast Asian countries to manage more contentious issues, due to the low sensitivity of NTS relative to traditional security.10 To affirm their political will to cooperate, the two sides signed several agreements, some of which included the Joint Declaration on Cooperation in the Field of Non-traditional Security Issues in 2002 and the Memorandum of Understanding on NTS cooperation in 2004.11 Through engagement in disaster relief, infectious disease control, and combat against transnational crimes, China and ASEAN managed to achieve confidence building to a good extent in the 2000s, a period described as the "honeymoon" of the two-way relations.12 2.NTS Cooperation amid Changing Security Environment: Issues and Questions The regional security environment in Southeast Asia has undergone notable changes in the 2010s. [...]while welcoming the benefits and opportunities created by China's greater commitment, Southeast Asian countries are increasingly aware of the new trend in regional security and many Southeast Asian elites are more concerned about the expansion of China's influence in the region on all fronts.14 The conflicts and tensions in the South China Sea have also contributed to many regional states' apprehensions toward China. [...]one should also consider the dynamics beyond the China-Southeast context. [...]greater interest and commitment of China do not necessarily translate to strengthened NTS cooperation with Southeast Asia as the outcomes of its diplomatic endeavors are subject to the influence of a variety of factors and dynamics.